The Department for Communities and Local Government has a political powerhouse as its new chief, but can he usher in a new era of autonomy for councils, asks David Williams
It is a little more than a year since the Conservative party published Control shift, the green paper that pushed localism into the political mainstream.
That paper – which was broadly well received by councils – can now be understood as a clear precursor to much of the ‘Big Society’ thinking that formed the backbone of the Tory election campaign.
Now Eric Pickles, the man widely believed to have been the main motivating force behind that paper, has been appointed communities and local government secretary. So will he usher in a new era of autonomy for councils?
Experts across local government recognise Pickles’ long-standing links to the sector. He led Bradford City Metropolitan District Council from 1988 to 1991, proving to be a divisive figure dedicated to cutting jobs, outsourcing services and raising charges.
But however you view his track record, ‘to have someone who has an empathy with what local government is about is a good thing’, says Chris Game, honorary senior lecturer at the University of Birmingham’s Institute of Local Government Studies.
It is also generally acknowledged that Pickles, as a former Conservative Party chair, is one of the most influential figures to hold the communities brief. Game says such a loud voice would be needed to get the whole of Whitehall working in a way that works for local government. And Pickles’ standing means he should be considered close to an equal to the health and education secretaries.
‘You need a big hitter to start banging senior ministers’ heads together and saying, “come on, we need a co-ordinated approach to local government”.’
But he could meet his match in the shape of Health Secretary Andrew Lansley. Tony Travers, director of the Greater London Group at the London School of Economics, suggests that Lansley is the ‘least likely to play ball’ on Total Place, the programme to co-ordinate local funding sources. But the big Whitehall departments need to agree to relinquish control of some of their budgets for Total Place to succeed.
Game identifies other possible limits to Tory localism. The Conservative manifesto included a commitment to referendums on ‘high council tax increases’. Game says: ‘The rhetoric in opposition was that they opposed capping. But they’re actually saying that not only are they interested in what each local authority is spending, and what it’s going to raise in taxation, but they’re also going to set the level.’
Lower down the ministerial pecking order, the absence from the CLG team of the Liberal Democrat Sarah Teather could be viewed as a missed opportunity.
Teather, who Travers describes as ‘tenacious and charming – an unusual combination’, impressed as the LibDems’ local government and more recently housing spokeswoman. The only LibDem in the department will be Andrew Stunell, one of three junior ministers, alongside Baroness Hanham and Bob Neill. Neill had been tipped to be minister of state for local government, as a former councillor, London Assembly member and shadow local government minister – but Greg Clarke, the former shadow energy secretary, has taken the number two role at the department.
More expected was the news that the housing role will go to Grant Shapps, who had carried the brief while in opposition.
Shapps’ appointment was welcomed by the National Housing Federation, with chief executive David Orr saying he had already ‘demonstrated an expert knowledge of the challenges faced by our sector’.
Former housing minister John Healey spent his ten months in office focusing on dismantling the Housing Revenue Account. But Shapps’ task will be quite different. It is Tory policy to encourage housebuilding by matching authorities’ council tax income from new developments – but Travers says this might not be enough to encourage the amount of new building needed.
Hanging over all this is the government’s decision to make spending cuts this year.
Travers warns that Pickles’ role could be reduced to that of a ‘minister for explaining grant cuts’, noting that many services without ringfenced funding ‘are those within the CLG empire’. In that context, Pickles’ first announcement in office – a review of government schemes ‘to make sure that they offer the best deal for homeowners, as well as value for the taxpayer’ – begins to sound ominous
It is a little more than a year since the Conservative party published Control shift, the green paper that pushed localism into the political mainstream.
That paper – which was broadly well received by councils – can now be understood as a clear precursor to much of the ‘Big Society’ thinking that formed the backbone of the Tory election campaign.
Now Eric Pickles, the man widely believed to have been the main motivating force behind that paper, has been appointed communities and local government secretary. So will he usher in a new era of autonomy for councils?
Experts across local government recognise Pickles’ long-standing links to the sector. He led Bradford City Metropolitan District Council from 1988 to 1991, proving to be a divisive figure dedicated to cutting jobs, outsourcing services and raising charges.
But however you view his track record, ‘to have someone who has an empathy with what local government is about is a good thing’, says Chris Game, honorary senior lecturer at the University of Birmingham’s Institute of Local Government Studies.
It is also generally acknowledged that Pickles, as a former Conservative Party chair, is one of the most influential figures to hold the communities brief. Game says such a loud voice would be needed to get the whole of Whitehall working in a way that works for local government. And Pickles’ standing means he should be considered close to an equal to the health and education secretaries.
‘You need a big hitter to start banging senior ministers’ heads together and saying, “come on, we need a co-ordinated approach to local government”.’
But he could meet his match in the shape of Health Secretary Andrew Lansley. Tony Travers, director of the Greater London Group at the London School of Economics, suggests that Lansley is the ‘least likely to play ball’ on Total Place, the programme to co-ordinate local funding sources. But the big Whitehall departments need to agree to relinquish control of some of their budgets for Total Place to succeed.
Game identifies other possible limits to Tory localism. The Conservative manifesto included a commitment to referendums on ‘high council tax increases’. Game says: ‘The rhetoric in opposition was that they opposed capping. But they’re actually saying that not only are they interested in what each local authority is spending, and what it’s going to raise in taxation, but they’re also going to set the level.’
Lower down the ministerial pecking order, the absence from the CLG team of the Liberal Democrat Sarah Teather could be viewed as a missed opportunity.
Teather, who Travers describes as ‘tenacious and charming – an unusual combination’, impressed as the LibDems’ local government and more recently housing spokeswoman. The only LibDem in the department will be Andrew Stunell, one of three junior ministers, alongside Baroness Hanham and Bob Neill. Neill had been tipped to be minister of state for local government, as a former councillor, London Assembly member and shadow local government minister – but Greg Clarke, the former shadow energy secretary, has taken the number two role at the department.
More expected was the news that the housing role will go to Grant Shapps, who had carried the brief while in opposition.
Shapps’ appointment was welcomed by the National Housing Federation, with chief executive David Orr saying he had already ‘demonstrated an expert knowledge of the challenges faced by our sector’.
Former housing minister John Healey spent his ten months in office focusing on dismantling the Housing Revenue Account. But Shapps’ task will be quite different. It is Tory policy to encourage housebuilding by matching authorities’ council tax income from new developments – but Travers says this might not be enough to encourage the amount of new building needed.
Hanging over all this is the government’s decision to make spending cuts this year.
Travers warns that Pickles’ role could be reduced to that of a ‘minister for explaining grant cuts’, noting that many services without ringfenced funding ‘are those within the CLG empire’. In that context, Pickles’ first announcement in office – a review of government schemes ‘to make sure that they offer the best deal for homeowners, as well as value for the taxpayer’ – begins to sound ominous
