By Conor Ryan
13 February 2009
The Baby P case has thrown up some serious questions about the
merging of children’s education and social services. Conor Ryan asks
whether the government has got the balance right between welfare and
school standards
While Sharon Shoesmith, the one-time director of children’s services in
Haringey, was being pilloried in the national press for her role in the
Baby P case last November, she received a strong vote of confidence
from 61 of the London borough’s head teachers. As she was keen to
remind people when she spoke out about her treatment in media
interviews last weekend, they hailed her work in improving school
standards in an authority that had once been a byword for educational
failure.
‘There are no schools in special measures in Haringey,’ Alex Atherton,
head teacher of Park View Academy, said. ‘I feel proud to be associated
with the education support that Haringey offers.’ Local Liberal
Democrat MP, Lynne Featherstone was unimpressed. ‘This isn’t about her
competence or otherwise in education,’ she blogged. ‘It’s about her
responsibility and accountability for the social services side of her
brief.’
Shoesmith, a former schools inspector and special needs teacher, was
later sacked by Haringey after a damning Ofsted report, a decision that
Children’s Secretary Ed Balls defended after Shoemith’s weekend
interviews. But her case illuminated a growing concern within the
education world about the extent to which a welfare agenda is replacing
school standards as the cornerstone of government policy.
Since Lord Laming’s 2003 report about the failures of public services
to protect nine-year-old Victoria Climbié, there has been a major
upheaval in education and children’s social services. Charles Clarke,
as education secretary, responded to Laming’s report with the Every
Child Matters agenda, five principles that were to become the watchword
of government and local children’s services in the years ahead.
Significantly, school standards, which had until then dominated Labour
policy, merited only half a principle called ‘enjoy and achieve’, as
externally marked tests for seven-year-olds were replaced by internal
teacher assessments and schools were expected to focus more time on the
safety and health of their pupils.
Behind this approach lay a belief that the failings that led to
Victoria’s death were the result of a lack of co-ordination between
local schools, councils, police and health services. The new ECM agenda
prefigured a restructuring of national and local government. Local
authorities were expected to merge education departments with those
parts of social services that dealt with children into new children’s
services departments.
The 2004 Children Act established local children’s trusts, which drew
their members from health, police, probation, careers advisers,
learning and skills councils and district councils and later schools,
colleges, charities, adult social care and housing. These boards will
be put on a statutory footing in the new Apprenticeships, Skills,
Children and Learning Bill, which will also require schools, colleges
and academies to co-operate with them. Local Children’s Safeguarding
Boards were also established after 2004 to lead the protection of
children at risk. The new children’s database, ContactPoint, finally
launched last month, is designed to make it easier to share and compare
information about those at risk between the professionals involved.
Ofsted, the schools inspectorate, found its role extended to include
children’s social services in addition to further education, nurseries
and adult skills. When Gordon Brown became prime minister in 2007, he
was persuaded by Ed Balls to split the old education department in two,
hiving off universities and further education to a new department, and
bringing the full range of children’s welfare services into the new
Department for Children, Schools and Families, with Balls as its
secretary of state.
Later that year, Balls rebranded his new department with an
all-embracing ten-year children’s plan. The DCSF tried to reinvigorate
the uneasy marriage between the two very different education and
welfare cultures. ‘Common sense and every teacher in every classroom
tell us that what happens outside school hours and parents’ involvement
in children’s education are both vital to their progress,’ declared
Balls at the launch.
In truth, there had already been a growing welfare dimension in
schools, through health clinics and after-school clubs. Inner-city
schools have also employed a growing number of non-teaching welfare
staff, including learning mentors, part of whose role is home-school
liaison, and police officers who are based on site.
But these changes had been largely subservient to the principal role of
the school in maximising young people’s qualifications and skills. The
formalising of education and welfare links exposed some deep
differences between the two groups of professionals. ECM changed the
structures but the personnel often reflected their own backgrounds, as
with Shoesmith in schools. Head teachers have often been annoyed when
someone with a social work background is in charge of their local
children’s services department, who they feel has little understanding
of schools and qualifications.
The government recognised the mismatch after the Baby P case, when
Balls announced that the National College for School Leadership would
take the lead role in training directors of children’s services. The
college has recruited people such as Mencap chief executive Jo Williams
to a panel of experts to design the new courses.
Steve Munby, NCSL’s director, believes that with the right training,
the two disciplines can and should be brought together. ‘I do think it
is possible for one person to take responsibility for the wider role
involved in being a director of children’s services, provided they have
the right training and support, and a good team to work with. It’s not
just about immersing an educationist in social care or vice versa;
rather it is about building an understanding of what is a very
different role and one that requires a much more holistic approach.’
However, since ECM was introduced, schools have found themselves
expected to attend a growing number of committee meetings linked to
children’s trusts and safeguarding. ‘As an extended school, we have
been at the centre of these developments and have benefited from
working in partnership with various agencies,’ wrote Kenny Frederick,
head of George Green’s Community School in Tower Hamlets, in a recent
article for the Times Educational Supplement.
‘But it cannot be right that so many of us are hemmed into meeting
after meeting, with ever-decreasing direct contact with children and
families.’
It is this sense that the new focus has created an endless talking shop
that is frustrating to so many head teachers. ‘School accountability is
almost entirely focused on examination results, yet schools put a huge
amount of effort into the wider development of young people,’ says John
Dunford, the general secretary of the Association of School and College
Leaders. ‘However, the government must accept that schools are only
partly responsible for children’s wellbeing and that it is local
authorities that must be primarily accountable for ensuring children’s
overall health and welfare.’
And the Conservatives, while stressing continuity, might shift the
balance again if they win the next election. ‘Any restructuring absorbs
a lot of energy – so it is not going to be a priority for us to
unstitch what has happened,’ says Michael Gove, the shadow children’s
secretary. ‘But we do need a continued focus on school improvement and
a recognition that departments with several overlapping goals rarely
succeed in achieving them successfully.’
Yet the government has maintained a strong focus on improving exam
results through its National Challenge, which expects all schools to
get five decent GCSEs for at least 30% of their pupils. But this hasn’t
diminished a feeling that academic achievement is being downgraded,
which was heightened by recent curriculum changes that mean
11–14-year-olds are learning more about personal development. More
recently, a review led by Sir Jim Rose, who previously had helped
restore traditional phonics to reading lessons, suggested that
‘understanding physical health and wellbeing’ should be one of six core
themes for primary schools.
And it is here where the Tories are opening up differences with Labour,
using the sort of language which helped Labour to win the 1997
election. ‘The best schools – those with a strong sense of
self-respect, good behaviour and a nurturing environment – are those
oriented towards getting a good academic performance from their
pupils,’ Gove insists.
While many head teachers support the curricular changes, they are
frustrated that the new children’s services regime is neither doing
enough to protect children nor to ensure that the lessons of any
failings are being properly learned. Such lessons are supposed to
follow serious case reviews under the new system, but an Ofsted
analysis of 50 such reviews in December found that those in charge
failed to analyse quickly enough why things had gone wrong and often
failed to ask young people for their perspective.
Yet Ofsted has itself come in for criticism because of its extended
role and because the social services inspection system it inherited
allowed some judgements to be made based on councils’ own
self-evaluations. Michael Hart stepped down as its director of
children's services this week following criticism over Haringey, though
Ofsted denies this was the reason for his going. And the chair of the
Commons children, schools and families select committee, Barry
Sheerman, has argued that the inspectorate is spreading itself too
thin. Partly in response to such concerns, Ofsted is replacing the
desk-based judgements that led it to accept Haringey data – which
suggested a good authority – with unannounced annual inspections of
child protection services.
Most teachers recognise that schools cannot operate in isolation, and
need to address the social circumstances of their pupils if they are to
get them to achieve their potential. But the recent Haringey and
Doncaster cases suggested that the rhetoric of joint working had not
led to sufficient practical improvement in some authorities. As a
result, head teachers fear that the meetings and paperwork associated
with the ECM agenda could be undermining the drive to raise standards
for all - without contributing sufficiently to the welfare of
individual children in need of protection.